是民族的尊严和利益，还是同族相残

日本文部科学省发表主张独岛领有权的高等学校地理、历史科目新《学习指导要领解说书》之后，今年3月30日召开教科书检定调查审议委员会，检定通过了标记有“独岛领有权”的初等学校社会科目教科书。

这次检定的五种教科书里，编有“属于岛根县的独岛，被南朝鲜非法侵占了”的字句和表示了日本领土的点和境界线内包含有独岛的地图。据说，这些教科书是从2011年起开始使用的。

日本曾40多年用武力强占朝鲜，实施了殖民统治，驱使840万多名朝鲜青年到战场和苦役场去，把20万名朝鲜妇女当成了日军的性奴隶等，肆无忌惮地掳掠朝鲜的人力物力资源。尽管如此，他们不仅不向朝鲜人民谢罪自己的犯罪行为，进行赔偿，反而歪曲历史，企图强夺朝鲜的神圣领土独岛。

日本反动派如此傲慢无礼，其原因在于现南朝鲜当局对日本的态度。

李明博保守势力一掌权就说：“限于过去，是活不了今天和未来的”，对日本的过去罪行“我不说要谢罪的话”，以此揭开了对日外交的帷幕。还提倡过去的日本殖民统治“促进了朝鲜的近代化”，日本的殖民统治带来了“近代文明”和“经济成长”，并以此为内容，篡改了历史教科书。

2008年7月，日本前首相福田说，在教科书里把独岛“不能不写成竹岛”的时候，李明博一句反驳的话也不说，反而乞求着说“现在是困难的，请等一下”。对日本政客们歪曲历史的骚动和“独岛领有权”的主张，他庇护着说：“政治人可以讲个人的见解。”

毋庸赘言，李明博保守势力对日本的屈辱性态度，势必助长日本反动派的侵略野心，磨磨重新侵略朝鲜的大刀。

那么，李明博保守势力庇护默认日本反动派冒险的领土扩张野心，要得到什么代价呢？

李明博保守势力把“非核、开放、三千”规定为对北政策，企图以自由民主主义体制下“统一”朝鲜。他们所主张的“民族共同体统一方案”，是基于自由民主主义和市场经济的“一个民族、一个国家、一个体制、一个政府的单一国家”。可是这一方案，基于社会主义和计划经济的朝鲜是绝对不可能接受的，因此在其实现过程中必然伴随北南之间的武装冲突。李明博保守势力企图依靠美国、勾结日本反动派去实现以武装冲突为前提的这一方案。

2009年4月，日本把朝鲜和平的人造地球卫星“光明星二号”的发射硬说成导弹发射，带头和美国与南朝鲜串通一气。

2010年3月，美国和南朝鲜荒诞无稽地主张南朝鲜“天安”号被朝鲜人民军鱼雷击沉。这时日本一唱一和，说什么“国际协力”、“共助”云云。

历史上侵略过朝鲜、二战后一直实行对朝敌视政策的日本的领土扩张野心，由于李明博保守势力的煽动，已越过了危险的界限。

李明博保守势力不顾民族的尊严，祖祖辈辈守住的领土也要出卖，依靠外来势力，向着同族相残的道路奔驰。由于有这样的民族叛徒集团，朝鲜半岛的形势接近战争边缘。

安武光
 
 
Lee’s Choice Underhand

The Japanese Ministry of Education and Science issued a new “explanatory note” on the geography and history subjects of high schools, which contain Japan’s claim for the dominium over Tok Islet. And on March 30 last Japan called a meeting of the committee for authorization, assessment and deliberation of textbooks to give an official approval to social science textbooks for primary schools, which side with the claim. The five textbooks that have passed this time specify that “Takeshima [Tok Islet] that belongs to Shimane Prefecture has been illegally seized by south Korea,” and they show a map with Tok Islet set within the territorial boundary of Japan. The textbooks are said to come into use in 2011.

In the past Japan occupied Korea by force of arms and reduced it to its colony. Under the harsh colonial rule that spanned over 40 years, the Japanese imperialists drafted more than 8.4 million young Koreans for war supply and hard labour, and, in particular, forcibly took 200 000 Korean women as sexual slaves of the Japanese troops. Japan robbed Korea of human and material resources—whatever it could lay hands on. Instead of making apology and reparation to the Korean people for its past crimes, it is distorting its history and trying to take Tok Islet, which is undeniably Korea’s territory.

Japan’s reactionary pursuance—at least haughty and insolent—is largely attributed to the south Korean authorities’ policy toward Japan. Right after he came into power, south Korea’s chief executive Lee Myung Bak said that the past couldn’t be the only yardstick to judge today and tomorrow and that he had no intention to “ask Japan for apology” for its past crimes—it was the start of his diplomacy for Japan. The south Korean regime is even advocating that Japan’s rule had “promoted modernization of Korea.” History textbooks are implanted with the idea that Japan’s colonial rule brought about “modern civilization” and “economic growth.” In July 2008 when Lee heard the former Japanese Prime Minister Fukuda say that there was no other way but to refer to Tok Islet as Takeshima in the [Japanese] textbooks, he lodged not a word of protest but servilely asked to “wait because it is difficult to agree right now.” He also sided with the Japanese politicians who were working hard to distort history and voicing “Japan’s” dominium over Tok Islet. “Politicians might express their personal views” was his argument. There is no doubt that the south Korean regime’s subservient stand is inspiring the aggressive ambition of the Japanese reactionaries seeking an opportunity to reinvade Korea.

Then, what kind of profit does the conservative Lee camp expect to get at the cost of turning a blind eye to the reckless territorial ambition of Japan?

The Lee regime adopted the policy towards the DPRK based on “denuclearization, open door and 3 000 dollars” and has been seeking after the “unification” [of the north and south] under the “liberal democratic system.” Their “programme of unification in the form of national community” is aimed at integrating the north and south into “one-nation, one-state, one-system, one-government unified state” based on liberal democracy and market economy, which is unacceptable to the DPRK whose essential principle is socialism and planned economy. The course of the supposed realization of the south’s programme will be inevitably accompanied by armed conflict. Lee is hoping to achieve his end in cahoots with the US and Japan. In fact, when the DPRK launched the artificial earth satellite Kwangmyongsong 2 in April 2009, Japan was the first to raise a fuss in concert with the US and south Korea, asserting it was a missile launch. When the south Korean navy warship Cheonan was sunk in March 2010, Japan argued for “international cooperation” and “joint action” against the DPRK, chiming with the absurd American and south Korean assertion that the DPRK is to be brought to account for the sinking.

The territorial ambition of Japan that has a long history of aggression upon Korea and has pursued a constantly hostile policy towards the DPRK since the end of World War II has now entered a dangerous stage, encouraged by the south Korean conservative forces. The situation of the Korean peninsula has reached the brink of war due to the Lee regime, the group of traitors to the nation who are running along the path of fratricidal war with the backing of foreign forces, while throwing away national dignity like a worn-out sandal and even trying to sell the land possessed by the nation generation after generation.

An Mu Gwang